Turks with Chengiz Khan

Nor must it be forgotten that the resistance of the empire had had a great effect upon the Seljukian Turks. The terrible blows inflicted on them had diminished their strength. They had already begun to show signs of weakness. During the latter years of the century Chengiz Khan, the great leader of a Tartar tribe which had adopted the name of Mongol, had commenced his terrible career, and the attention of the Turks was, in 1204, already turned away from the empire to that of the more serious danger which threatened them in their rear. The capture of Constantinople by the Western Crusaders enabled the Turks to survive that danger. Had the empire not been destroyed there is good reason to believe that it would have shortly recovered its strength, have continued its struggle, and that the Turks, with Chengiz Khan on one side and the imperial troops on the other, would have been annihilated.

The continual attacks of the Seljuks, while they had weakened the empire, yet enable us to see how great had been its strength. The marches of Pizarro in the Hew World, of the Ten Thousand of Alexander, and at this very time of Chengiz Khan into China and subsequently into Transoxiana, were all easy, since they were through states which had become demoralized. Ho such demoralization existed, and consequently no such march was possible under the rule of the Hew Rome. The Turks had to fight their way inch by inch, to hold what they captured against continual harassment, and, as I have so often repeated, were only able to maintain a settlement in Asia Minor because their numbers were continually recruited by fresh bands of immigrants into the country they had captured.

Hebraisms of Western civilization

The results of the Fourth Crusade upon European civilization were altogether disastrous. The light of Greek civilization, which Byzantium had kept burning for nearly nine centuries after Constantine had chosen it as his capital, was suddenly extinguished. The hardness, the narrowness, and the Hebraisms of Western civilization were left to develop themselves with little admixture from the joyousness and the beauty of Greek life. Every one knows that the Turkish conquest of Constantinople dispersed throughout the West a knowledge of Greek literature, and that such knowledge contributed largely to the bringing about of the Reformation and of modern ways of thought.

One cannot but regret that the knowledge of Greek literature was so dearly bought. If the dispersion of a few Greeks, members of a conquered and therefore despised race, but yet carrying their precious manuscripts and knowledge among hostile peoples, could produce so important a result, what effect might not reasonably have been hoped for if the great crime against which Innocent protested had not been committed? Western Europe saw the sparks of learning dispersed among its people.

The light which had been continuously burning in a never-forgotten and, among the literary class, a scarcely changed language, had been put out. The crime of the Fourth Crusade handed over Constantinople and the Balkan peninsula to six centuries of barbarism, and rendered futile the attempts of Innocent and subsequent statesmen to recover Syria and Asia Minor to Christendom and civilization. If we would understand the full significance of the Latin conquest of Constantinople, we must try to realize what might now be the civilization of Western Europe if the Romania of six centuries ago had not been destroyed. One may picture not only the Black Sea, the Bosphorus, and the Marmora surrounded by progressive and civ-ilized nations, but even the eastern and southern shores of the Mediterranean given back again to good government and a religion which is not a barrier to civilization.

Baldwin was more perjured than the Greeks

The emperor replied that even on such terms he would go to Salonica. The breach was a serious one. Boniface, through his marriage, was supported by many of the Greeks. He declared that Baldwin was more perjured than the Greeks. He gave to his wife’s eldest son the name and the imperial ornaments of the emperor. The marshal shows his estimate of the danger by the statement that if God had not taken pity on them they would have lost all that they had gained. The rival leaders, each with an army behind him, were on the verge of war. Baldwin remained firm, and marched towards Salonica. Boniface, with his own followers, and with nearly all the German Crusaders, went on their way back, apparently towards Constantinople. The latter reached and entered Didymotica on the Maritza, and a day’s journey south of Adrianople. The Greeks submitted, and, indeed, the inhabitants of the country flocked in wherever he passed with offers of support. Boniface pushed on to and besieged Adrianople, in which Baldwin had left a garrison. The Crusader in command immediately sent messengers, who rode day and night, to the capital, to inform Dandolo of the rupture, and that Boniface, after having occupied Didymotica, one of the strongest forts in Romania, was supported by the Greeks, and was now laying siege to Adrianople.

Boniface from tibia side of Baldwin

Boniface then played a bold stroke to detach the Venetians Boniface from tibia side of Baldwin. In the beginning of Auata with the gust he made a bargain with their representatives Venetians. jn Adrianople, by which he was to receive 1000 marks and lands in the west of the Balkan peninsula, which produced annually 10,000 golden aspers, and which he was to hold in fee from the republic and not from the emperor. In return Boniface sold to the Venetians his rights over Crete, his claim to 100,000 golden aspers due from the empire on account of Alexis the Fourth, his late pupil, and the rights over the fiefs with which Manuel had invested Beynier in Salonica. As the Venetians, in virtue of the agreement for the division of the empire, were under no obligation to do homage for the territory which they received in Romania, Boniface, by this agreement, withdrew himself from vassalage to Baldwin. The trick was worthy of Boniface, and it entirely succeeded in detaching Dandolo from the side of Baldwin.

Theodore Lascaris

The Crusaders were obliged to withdraw to the capital, and nearly the whole of the country was abandoned to the enemy. Still less success awaited them in Asia Minor, where the Greeks were able to hold their own after the first surprise caused by the capture of the capital, and where the invaders found themselves glad, in 1206, to make a trance with Theodore Lascaris. The story of the following years is one of struggle with the people whom they had conquered, of reckless disregard of their rights, of raids over the country in search of plunder, of attacks from the Bulgarians and Comans, and of almost incessant warfare until, sixty years after the conquest, the Greeks again obtained possession of the capital, and the Latin Empire of the East came to an ignominious end.

Venice obtained the richest rewards and the fullest pay- The gains of ment for her share in the conquest of Constantino- vice. ple. Her acquisition of territory and of commerce made her for a time the undisputed mistress of the Mediterranean. Dandolo had stipulated that she should receive three out of the eight portions into which it had been agreed that Romania should be divided. He appears to have been allowed to take his choice of the portions of territory which were to be allotted as the share of the republic. He naturally chose lands adjacent to those already possessed by Venice on the Adriatic, and such ports, islands, or sea-boards as she could readily defend with her fleet. Dandolo retained the rank which had already been given him of Despot, and was allowed to wear the imperial buskins. In addition, he took the curious title of Lord of one quarter and a half of the Homan Empire.

The death of Dandolo

On the death of Dandolo his successor obtained a concession from the emperor authorizing any Venetian citizen or ally to take possession of any of the islands in the zEgean or places on its coasts which were not already occupied by the republic, and to hold it for him and his heirs. The granting1 of this concession was followed by a series of buccaneering expeditions, which speedily captured and occupied a number of important positions. Gallipoli, on the Dardanelles, was seized by Marc Dandolo and another prominent citizen, and with the Thracian Chersonese was erected into a duchy. Another band, under Sanuto, occupied Naxos, Paros, and other isles, which were held by him and his descendants for four centuries. Chios was occupied by the great chiefs, Justiniani and Michaeli.

Baldwin recognized before Arbitration

On his arrival in Constantinople, Baldwin recognized before Arbitration fourth day that the course proposed was the accepted. best under the circumstances, he could adopt.

Boniface was sent for, and he also, after some hesitation, consented to come to the capital. On his arrival the arbitrators decided that the emperor was wrong. Salonica was to be given to Boniface, and as a pledge that this should be done the marshal was ordered to take possession of Didyinotica, and to hold it until he should be assured that Boniface was safely installed in Salonica. This decision was carried out, and the principality or kingdom of Salonica was surrendered to Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat.
While the first of the grave internal differences of the Crusaders was thus brought temporarily to an end, three leaders others of an equally serious character, which it is of expedition.

Dandolo ended his long life in June, 1205

My purpose to describe, presented themselves. Innocent’s anticipation of misfortune was soon justified by events. There was, as he had foreseen, little hope of aid in the crusade from the conquerors of an empire which they were not able to defend. Within eighteen months of the capture of the city three of the principal actors and a crowd of those only second to them in rank had died, and most of them by violent deaths. We have already seen that Baldwin fell into the hands of his enemies and was succeeded by his brother. Dandolo ended his long life in June, 1205, and lies buried in or near the Great Church of the Divine Wisdom. Two years afterwards Boniface, who had continued to be of doubtful loyalty until he appears to have been contented by the marriage of his daughter to the new emperor Henry, met with a violent death. He was caught in a defile in the Bhodope Mountains by the Bulgarians, and was mortally wounded.

The years that followed the conquest were of wild disorder and confusion. The government of the country throughout was a task to which the Crusaders were unequal.

The attempt to rule the ancient empire under the forms of the Western feudal system utterly broke down. The land was divided into fiefs among the barons and knights, but the division caused much disaffection and wrangling. Few were satisfied in the general scramble which followed. In spite of an attempt to decide differences by lot, the rule was that each should keep what he could take. Western titles and dignities were introduced, and we read in the empire of the New Borne for the first and last time of grand constables, seneschals, cup-bearers, marshals, grand butlers, masters of the stables, and the like. The Crusaders knew their own fanciful law of honor, but despised the ordinary law by which mortals are governed.

Jerusalem became law for the empire

The assize of Jerusalem became law for the empire, though an attempt was made to preserve a portion at least of the old Roman administration, including the application of the Roman law of Justinian as preserved in his capital. There was, however, little chance that the new Western system of organization could work harmoniously with the ancient Roman administration which had lasted in Romania. Such chance as there might otherwise have been was destroyed by forces outside the empire. The same causes which had weakened the dominion of the Byzantine rulers began to operate against the Crusaders, and rendered them so feeble that instead of being able, as they had fondly believed, to use the strength of Romania against the Saracens, they had to implore aid from the West to enable them to hold what they had conquered.

Latins at Mosynopolis

The deposed emperor, Alexis the Third, and Alexis the Fifth, or Mourtzouphlos, were, at the time of the occupation, still at large. The latter was captured by the Latins at Mosynopolis, was brought to Constantinople, and was thrown from the column of Theodosios. Alexis the Third was captured and sent to Boniface, who held him as a prisoner, and gave to Philip the satisfaction of stating how lie should be disposed of.

The Moslems were at first greatly alarmed at the capture of the city which to them was still the world’s capital, was still Rome. In their first alarm even Malek Adel hastened to conclude a truce of six years with Cardinals Peter Capuane and Soffred; but he and his so-called religionists soon recovered from the shock of the conquest. Constantinople had drawn away Crusaders from Palestine instead of adding to their number. The Western soldiers, including even many of the Templars, took the opportunity of leaving Syria in order to share in the wealth which was offered them in Constantinople.

The natural result followed. The truce was broken, and Is- lamism soon came into possession of territory which had been held for many years by the Christians. Though Innocent profoundly regretted this result, he was forced to acquiesce in it, and even to authorize Baldwin to retain the Crusaders in Constantinople whom he had previously ordered to leave for the Holy Land. In the spring of 1205 the new emperor was attacked by Greeks, Bulgarians, and Comans, and it was in one of these attacks that the latter succeeded in luring a considerable body of Crusaders into an ambuscade, where they killed three hundred knights, captured the emperor, and took him prisoner to Tirnova. It was at this very time that the great body of Venetians, amounting to 7000, left Constantinople.

Central Asia ports of the Azof

The valuable products of Central Asia which found their way into the ports of the Azof and the Enxine, and which had been reserved jealously by the citizens of Constantinople for themselves, even at the time when the emperors were granting capitulations for trade in every other part of the empire, all these now went to Venice. Most of this trade was carried on by sea; but the dangers which beset maritime commerce now that the shadow of Pax Jiomana had passed away caused a considerable portion of the valuable and less bulky products of India and Central Asia to be taken up the Indus, thence by camels to the Caspian, and then partly overland and partly by rivers to Venice or other European states. The great bulk of the trade between Asia and Europe was diverted from the Bosphorus into the Adriatic. Venetian ships for a time replaced in the Black Sea, not only those of Constantinople, but even those of Genoa. The Tartar races in the Euxine, as well as the Saracens in Egypt and Syria, traded almost exclusively with the citizens of Venice.

Innocent continued to condemn the conduct of the Crusaders Evil results of an the Venetians in terms which show that they the conquest. are deliberately formed opinion and that of the great churchmen by whom he was surrounded. We have seen that at times his language is that of profound indignation at the iniquities which have been committed; at other times it is that of expostulation and of calm reasoning. But throughout the many letters in which he addresses the actors in this huge fiasco or alludes to their conduct, the sentiment most predominant is one of sadness that the Crusaders should have abandoned the object for which they were brought together. His letters leave the impression that he never ceased to regret the failure of the crusade, which had been so carefully organized and from which so much might reasonably have been expected.

Interests of Europe and civilization

He appears on many occasions to feel that it is impossible to make those whom he addresses understand what is the greatness of the opportunity which they had missed. In the comprehension of the Eastern question of his day and of what statesmanship required for the interests of Europe and civilization, he seems to stand at the opening of the thirteenth century head and shoulders above all other kings and potentates. The tone of his letters, their gloom, when speaking of the prospects of Romania, of Asia Minor, and of Syria, almost appear as if he alone in his generation foresaw how disastrous the conquest of the imperial city would be; as if he alone recognized that it was the interest of Europe to make a supreme effort to strike a blow at Mahometanism, which should make its further advance upon Christian territory impossible. He tried and, no doubt, to a certain extent succeeded in finding consolation in the union of the churches, which he fondly hoped was to be brought about by the conquest; and though, as we have seen, he recognized that the manner of the conquest had placed a great obstacle in the way of union, he yet hoped that the “loathing” felt by the Greeks towards the Latins would in time be softened down or entirely removed.

Exclude Dandolo

Innocent refused the request made to him to exclude Dandolo, on account of his great age, from the performance of the vow to make the crusade. When he learned that Cardinal Peter had actually arrived in Constantinople to aid in the reorganization of the Orthodox Church, he reproached him bitterly for his continual misconduct. He had removed the excommunication for the sack of Zara; he had allowed the first siege of Constantinople; he had absolved the Crusaders from their vow. Innocent formally charged him with having known, and even having formed, the plot in 1202 for the restoration of young Alexis.

“ When the Crusaders, after having consecrated themselves to the Saviour, have abandoned their route, drawn away by earthly attractions, were you free to change so holy and so solemn a vow, and to permit them to take another destination ? Think on it yourself. Disappointment, shame, and anxiety weaken us when we ask whether the Greek Church can enter into union with the Apostolic See when that Church has seen only the works of darkness among the Latins.” Innocent had heard that after a year the pilgrims in Constantinople were to be at liberty to return home. “

The Saracens,” he declares, “who trembled after the fall of Constantinople, will they not throw themselves on you, like wolves on an abandoned flock, when they learn that the Crusaders will return during the year to their homes? And we, how can we ask the people of the West to come to the aid of Palestine, even to the help of Constantinople, if they reproach us who are guiltless for what you have done, because the Crusaders have abandoned their vows, and have returned to their homes loaded with the booty of an empire which they cannot even defend… We do not wish to blame you further for the absolution which you have granted to the Venetians; that will be the subject of a special letter.

Put we order you to return without delay to the Holy Land.” Ponifaee, who had been the leader of the expedition and its evil spirit, was in like manner not spared by Innocent. He was mean enough to endeavor to throw all the blame of the deviation of the expedition on Cardinal Peter, and a long letter endeavoring to justify himself in this manner was carried to Rome by a special messenger.1 His arguments and excuses were answered by Innocent, who holds him responsible as the leader of the expedition for the horrors of the plunder of Constantinople, and refuses to absolve him from his vow to make the pilgrimage to the Holy Land.

Former attachment to Austria-Hungary

Though it had withdrawn from its former attachment to Austria-Hungary, it had not become a protag of Russia. The visit of the Czar in June 1914 was considered an unprecedented honor and emphasized the predominant place of Rumania in the Balkans. The visit was regarded in Germany as an attempt to win Rumania to the side of the Triple Entente. But Rumania coveted the land of no other Balkan state and was a factor in favor of peace. It devoted itself to a policy of domestic reform which bade fair to result in great improvement in the condition of the masses.
Bulgaria had seen every one of its ambitions ruined, and was burning for revenge against its enemies. The elections which were held December 7, 1913, resulted in the defeat of the government which was blamed for the disasters that had befallen the country. But the new Sobranje was overwhelmingly Russophobe, and Bulgaria definitely aligned itself with Austria-Hungary.

Bulgarian government

Though a group of French banks were prepared to grant the Bulgarian government a loan of $100,000,000 on more favorable terms, the loan was made from German bankers, who received in return valuable railway and mining concessions. By means of the money thus obtained strenuous efforts were made to rehabilitate the army. By the Treaty of Bucharest, Greece had secured not only Saloniki, but the only other valuable Egean port, Kavala. Bulgarian hatred was intensified by the appearance of thousands of Bulgars driven from Greek Macedonia into Bulgaria, and this resulted in similar reprisals upon Greek residents in Bulgaria. But it was against Serbia that Bulgarians felt the greatest bitterness. Serbia had broken her ante-bellum pact with Bulgaria and by the terms of the Treaty of Bucharest had obtained almost the whole of Macedonia, and was engaged in “ nationalizing ” its Bulgarian inhabitants, who fled by thousands to the mother country.

No one of the combatants had fared so badly in the Balkan wars as Turkey. She had lost seven-eighths of her European possessions, which were now reduced practically to a backyard for Constantinople. Her Asiatic dominions were in a wretched condition. The thousands of exiled officials and discontented soldiers who had returned from Macedonia gave cause for great concern.

Morea and the Roman territory in Asia Minor,

The leaders themselves were soon at variance. In accordance with the arrangement by which the candidate $neandBoli- who should not be elected emperor should have the face. Morea and the Roman territory in Asia Minor, Boniface became entitled to these possessions.

I have already stated that the latter, at least, was a concession of territory which it was beyond his power to conquer. lie therefore made application to exchange it for the principality or kingdom of Salonica. His hereditary claim to this part of the empire as the heir of Eeynier, to whom Manuel Comnenos was alleged to have given certain rights, and the restoration of which inheritance had been promised to him at Corfu by his ward, and the fact that it adjoined the territory of the King of Hungary, to whose sister he was now married, were put forward as reasons in favor of such an exchange. Boniface had a sufficient party to enable him to make his claim in the form of a demand.

The new arrangement was a violation of the agreement which had been come to, but Baldwin did not feel strong enough to refuse it. Mourtzouphlos and Alexis were at large. The country might yet offer opposition to the new rule, and a division between the Crusaders themselves might supply the opportunity which each of these ex-emperors needed in order to regain Constantinople. The question was much discussed, spoken of, says the marshal, in many ways; but at length Baldwin gave an evasive answer, which Boniface construed into a consent to the exchange.

Then Boniface did homage. The difficulty, however, was not as yet at an end. Baldwin, leaving Constantinople in charge of Dandolo, marched against Mourtzouphlos and Alexis. Boniface was to have accompanied him, Baldwin, apparently, not having confidence in his fealty. After leaving Adrianople the emperor arrived at Mosynopolis, where he determined to await the coming of his powerful subject. On bis arrival the latter begged Baldwin to allow him to leave at once for Salonica, in order to take possession of his signiory, and requested the emperor not to ruin him by going there himself. Baldwin, however, refused. A defiance followed. Boniface declared that if the emperor went into his country when he, Boniface, was quite able to conquer it for himself, it could not be for his benelit. “ If you go, understand clearly that I shall not go with you, and that I shall separate myself from you.”

In the political science quarterly

In the political science quarterly March and for December 1913, the writer discussed the diplomacy of the two Balkan wars terminated by the Treaty of Bucharest of August 10, 1913. Sufficient time has elapsed since then to obtain a fair perspective and to bring the story down to date.

The events that followed the Treaty of Bucharest soon proved that a generation of experience in subservience to a dominant nation and in suffering the evils of a deliberate fomenting of race hatreds had taught the Balkan peoples no lesson in the wisdom of political toleration. The shifting of geographical boundaries resulting from the treaty was followed at once by a shifting of populations resulting from persecutions. Every one of the Balkan states inaugurated a policy of “ nationalizing ” the new inhabitants that had fallen to it under the terms of the treaty. Though all of them except Rumania had lost the finest of their manhood in the two Balkan wars and had burdened themselves with enormous debts, they at once undertook to strengthen their military establishments, either to defend their spoils or to secure revenge for their losses. The degree to which they accomplished their aims was restricted only by their capacity to borrow from any of the great powers.

Balkan wars one of the anxieties

For a decade before the Balkan wars one of the anxieties of the Rumanian government had been the patriotic campaign in Bulgaria to secure Bulgaria irredenta, the province of Dobrudja, the majority of the inhabitants of which are Bulgarians. This province had been given to Rumania by the Treaty of Berlin of 1878 in exchange for the province of Bessarabia, which was inhabited chiefly by Rumanians but which had been demanded and obtained by Russia under the treaty. It was to secure herself against that danger that Rumania had entered the second Balkan war and obtained a military boundary of great strategic value which brought to her 2983 square miles of territory and 250,000 inhabitants, chiefly Bulgarians, with a sprinkling of Turks but with few Rumanians.

The right of suffrage which the peasants had enjoyed under democratic Bulgaria and which was denied the peasantry in aristocratic Rumania was at once withdrawn in the ceded district. Local self-government was replaced by Rumanian bureaucracy. Rumanian priests superseded Bulgarian in the churches, and Bulgarian schools were compelled to close. Many Bulgarians sacrificed their property to emigrate to Bulgaria and intensified the hatred already felt against Rumania. After the Balkan wars Rumania pursued a wise and independent foreign policy.